1.2 The socio-economic development of hispanics in the united states  (Page 4/11)

Race and phenotypes

Racial similarity between the incoming and the dominant groups is also a key factor that may facilitate or prevent the socio-economic progress of Hispanics. Montalvo (1991) discussed the role that skin color and physiognomic features play in the acculturation, assimilation and overall experience of Hispanics in the United States. Reportedly, Hispanics in this country are selectively assimilated because many are considered to be Black by the White majority. Furthermore, Hispanics who possess light skin and European features are more likely to attain higher social status. Most importantly, Montalvo found that low social status, dark skin color and Indian or African physical features are associated with ethno-racial stress and psychosocial dysfunction.

The race-related experiences of Puerto Ricans in the United States may be representative of the experiences of other equally racially diverse immigrant Hispanic groups. Epidemiological studies have consistently revealed higher rates of mental illness for Puerto Ricans than for other ethnic groups (Mizio, 1979). In the United States, Puerto Ricans are often forced to define themselves as Black or White. This is perceived to be a threat to their "Puerto Rican" ethnic identification and to the cohesiveness of families in which all members are not of the same color. Being a Black Puerto Rican in the United States seems to be associated with higher levels of emotional distress as suggested by the higher rates of admission to psychiatric hospitals of this Puerto Rican subgroup. According to Rives Tobar (1980) when Puerto Ricans move to the United States, often dark-skinned family members are looked down upon by society while other family members are not. Reportedly, this differential treatment helps explain why the majority of Puerto Rican drug addicts in New York are dark-skinned members of White families (Rives Tobar, 1980).

According to Rodriguez (1980), racially mixed individuals who could be considered White in Latin America are considered Black in the United States. Reportedly, in Puerto Rico cultural identification is more important than racial identification while in the United States it is the other around. Furthermore, the way Puerto Ricans in the United States view themselves racially is often inconsistent with the way the general population perceives them. A survey she conducted in New York City revealed that 37% of a sample of Puerto Ricans considered themselves White while only 29% of them were considered White by the interviewer; 13% of the sample classified itself as Black while only 5% were classified as Black by the interviewer; 35% percent labeled themselves as brown as compared to 32% who were labeled as such by the interviewer. Finally, 13% classified themselves as beige as compared to 34% considered possibly White by the interviewer. Two percent of the respondents did not know how to classify themselves (Rodríguez, 1980).

Historically, Cubans have been predominantly White or Black with a smaller proportion of them being racially mixed (Szapocznik&Hernández, 1988, p. 162). White Cubans were over-represented among the upper classes in Cuba while Black Cubans were over-represented among the Cuban poor (Olson&Olson, 1995, p. 50). This helps us understand why the majority of Cuban Americans are White. Eighty-two percent (82%) of the Cuban immigrants in 1960 were White while only 2% were Black and approximately 15% were racially mixed (Olson&Olson, 1995, p. 61). This fact has contributed to the socio-economic development of Cubans in the United States, given the country’s tradition of White privilege.