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Unfortunately, party factions haven’t been the only result of party polarization. By most measures, the U.S. government in general and Congress in particular have become less effective in recent years. Congress has passed fewer pieces of legislation, confirmed fewer appointees, and been less effective at handling the national purse than in recent memory. If we define effectiveness as legislative productivity, the 106th Congress (1999–2000) passed 463 pieces of substantive legislation (not including commemorative legislation, such as bills proclaiming an official doughnut of the United States). The 107th Congress (2000–2001) passed 294 such pieces of legislation. By 2013–2014, the total had fallen to 212.
Drew Desilver, “In Late Spurt of Activity, Congress Avoids ‘Least Productive’ Title,” 29 December 2014, http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/12/29/in-late-spurt-of-activity-congress-avoids-least-productive-title/ (March 16, 2016).
Perhaps the clearest sign of Congress’ ineffectiveness is that the threat of
government shutdown has become a constant. Shutdowns occur when Congress and the president are unable to authorize and appropriate funds before the current budget runs out. This is now an annual problem. Relations between the two parties became so bad that financial markets were sent into turmoil in 2014 when Congress failed to increase the government’s line of credit before a key deadline, thus threatening a U.S. government default on its loans. While any particular trend can be the result of multiple factors, the decline of key measures of institutional confidence and trust suggest the negative impact of polarization. Public approval ratings for Congress have been near single digits for several years, and a poll taken in February 2016 revealed that only 11 percent of respondents thought Congress was doing a “good or excellent job.”
“Congressional Performance,” http://www.rasmussenreports.com/public_content/politics/mood_of_america/congressional_performance (March 16, 2016). In the wake of the Great Recession, President Obama’s average approval rating remained low for several years, despite an overall trend in economic growth since the end of 2008, before he enjoyed an uptick in support during his final year in office.
“Presidential Approval Ratings – Barack Obama,” http://www.gallup.com/poll/116479/barack-obama-presidential-job-approval.aspx (March 16, 2016). Typically, economic conditions are a significant driver of presidential approval, suggesting the negative effect of partisanship on presidential approval.
Scholars agree that some degree of
polarization is occurring in the United States, even if some contend it is only at the elite level. But they are less certain about exactly why, or how, polarization has become such a mainstay of American politics. Several conflicting theories have been offered. The first and perhaps best argument is that polarization is a party-in-government phenomenon driven by a decades-long
sorting of the voting public, or a change in party allegiance in response to shifts in party position.
Morris Fiorina, “Americans Have Not Become More Politically Polarized,”
The Washington Post , 23 June 2014. According to the sorting thesis, before the 1950s, voters were mostly concerned with state-level party positions rather than national party concerns. Since parties are bottom-up institutions, this meant local issues dominated elections; it also meant national-level politicians typically paid more attention to local problems than to national party politics.
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